The EU or Russia - Who is really undermining democracy in Romania?

Romania is at the centre of a political storm following the annulment of the first round of its presidential election in which the independent nationalist candidate Calin Georgescu emerged as the frontrunner, securing 22.94 percent of the vote.

He was due to face reformist Elena Lasconi of the Save Romania Union party in a runoff on December 8, now cancelled due to the annulment.

The Constitutional Court of Romania’s (CCR) decision to cancel the results of the November 24 vote—citing Russian interference and irregularities—has plunged the country into political uncertainty.

This has also polarised public opinion, prompting debates about the state of democracy and Western influence in the Eastern European nation.

As Alexandra-Alina Iancu, a faculty member at the University of Bucharest’s Faculty of Political Science, tells TRT World, “In larger cities – such as Bucharest – there is a sense of relief after the electoral annulment, as the tension mounted on the eve of the second round of presidential elections. Nevertheless, at a closer look, one can feel both resentment from [Călin Georgescu’s] voters and some confusion about the future.”

This sentiment of confusion is echoed by Alexandru Damian, Program Director at the Romanian Center for European Policies, who describes the atmosphere as “tense and unclear,” adding that the lack of communication from authorities exacerbated public frustration.

“Now, Georgescu supporters are even more annoyed by the decisions, while the pro-European side analyses the decision with precaution,” he says.

The constitutional court’s decision to annul the election stemmed from declassified intelligence reports alleging foreign interference in the electoral process.

According to Damian, the Supreme Council of National Defence uncovered irregularities, including illegal financial contributions and an impossibly well-funded social media campaign. Georgescu’s camp failed to disclose the source of that funding.

“Calin Georgescu reported zero spending during the campaign, and as the financial rules of campaigns are quite strict in Romania, this was impossible in practice,” Damian explains.

Iancu adds that Georgescu’s campaign, particularly on TikTok, raised eyebrows: “The CCR justified the decision on the basis of declassified intelligence reports suggesting the intervention of a foreign government in the electoral process and documenting irregularities related to [Georgescu’s] online campaign.”

Calin Georgescu’s meteoric rise

Georgescu’s rapid ascent in popularity has rattled Romania’s political establishment. Once a relatively obscure figure in politics, he has become a household name by connecting with disenchanted voters through a campaign tailored to their concerns. Some analysts attribute this rise to his direct engagement with issues that resonate deeply with ordinary Romanians.

“People are out promoting this guy like crazy,” political analyst and diplomacy advisor Ioana Gomoi tells TRT World from the Romanian capital, Bucharest, emphasising the Georgescu’s popularity has grown organically due to his focus on pressing issues such as youth unemployment, education reform, and peace.

Georgescu has “genuine support at the grassroots” because he addresses problems that mainstream politicians have long ignored, says Gomoi.

“He talks about peace, youth unemployment, the exodus of young Romanians, and the broken education and agriculture systems,” Gomoi explains, highlighting that these topics have broad appeal across a nation weary of decades of political stagnation.

“Romanians are tired,” she says. “We’ve had over 30 years of democracy, and nothing has changed. Georgescu is talking about issues that matter to people.”

Despite having no formal party affiliation, Georgescu has gained significant grassroots support, particularly through his use of TikTok and other digital platforms. “He’s the best influencer Romania has ever had,” Gomoi says.

Damian of Romanian Center for European Policies concurs. “He was the surprise of the elections and managed to convince voters, especially through a very well-designed campaign on TikTok mixing conspiracies, strange theories, and far-right discourse.”

From bureaucrat to nationalist leader

Although Western media has painted Georgescu as a political outsider, he is no stranger to public service. His career spans decades in government and international roles, particularly in the areas of environment and sustainable development.

Georgescu began his diplomatic journey in 1991 as head of the Office for the Environment in Romania’s Parliament. Over the years, he held positions such as adviser to the Minister of Environmen t(1992), Secretary General in the Ministry of Environment (1997-98), and Executive Director of the National Centre for Sustainable Development in Bucharest (2000-2013). He played a key part in drafting Romania’s National Sustainable Development Strategy.

Internationally, Georgescu served as President of the European Research Centre for the Club of Rome (2013-15), Executive Director of the UN Global Sustainable Index Institute in Geneva and Vaduz (2015-16), and UN Special Rapporteur for human rights and hazardous waste (2010–2012. He also represented Romania on the national committee of the United Nations Environment Programme.

In 2020 and 2021, Georgescu was proposed as prime minister by the Alliance for the Union of Romanians.

“People describe Georgescu as new, but he's not entirely unfamiliar. He didn’t just emerge out of the blue—he’s been around in various capacities,” says Gomoi, adding that his articulate communication style and international credentials helped shape his image.

Georgescu’s rhetoric has further set him apart. Expounding on his distinctive communication style, particularly his use of TikTok, Iancu observes: “He employs mystical and at times liturgical language to convey political ideas. He speaks of the homeland, divinity, and ‘rising to collective consciousness’… He frames his candidacy as ‘the work we accomplish, together with one another and with God.’”

This rhetoric, coupled with his sovereigntist stance and critiques of NATO and the EU, resonates with a significant segment of Romanians disillusioned by traditional political narratives.

Georgescu’s invocation of traditional values, particularly his focus on religion and peace, appeals to older generations. “He talks about religion, about God. These things resonate, especially with older generations,” Gomoi explains.

His reluctance to endorse involvement in the Russia-Ukraine conflict has further endeared him to a population weary of global tensions. “Romanians don’t want war with Russia or anyone. We just want peace and to be left alone,” she stresses.

‘Pro-Russian’ allegations: A political trend in Eastern Europe?

The annulment of the election, justified by allegations of Russian interference in Georgescu’s campaign, has raised serious questions about the credibility of Romania’s democratic institutions.

While acknowledging the need to investigate foreign influence, Gomoi stresses the lack of concrete evidence against Georgescu.

“If he was supported by Russia, we need solid proof,” she says. “Without that, this annulment looks more like a politically motivated attempt to sideline a candidate who challenges the status quo.”

She also questions the timing of the accusations, asking why no action was taken earlier. “Where were the intelligence agencies before Georgescu became a frontrunner? It’s as if they didn’t take him seriously until he became a real threat.”

Gomoi observes that the situation in Romania mirrors a broader trend in Eastern Europe, where nationalist or independent candidates are often branded as “pro-Russian” by Western powers.

“There’s a clear pattern,” she says, adding that “If you express scepticism about EU or NATO policies or simply advocate peace, you’re immediately labelled pro-Russian,” she says, adding that “this isn’t just happening in Romania; it’s happening across Europe.”

Gomoi drew parallels with Georgia, where the ruling Georgian Dream party has faced similar accusations from the EU and the West.

“It seems there’s an effort to ensure only pro-West, pro-EU leaders come to power, while independent voices are marginalised under the guise of safeguarding democracy.”

She argued that such branding undermines the sovereignty of smaller nations.

“Romanians are smart people. We can see through these narratives. We want our voices to be heard, not dismissed as foreign interference just because we don’t align perfectly with EU or NATO policies.”

Gomoi says that most Romanians are against war. “If you ask most people whether they’d fight with Russia or Ukraine, their answer would be a clear no. They don’t want to fight with anyone—they want peace,” she says.

“I think this sentiment is shared by many around the world, especially the younger generation. People just want to have stable jobs, raise their kids in peace, travel freely, and build friendships across the globe. War brings nothing but poverty, economic hardships, homelessness, and waves of refugees. Nobody wants that, and we certainly don’t want that.”

Romania’s drift: Is it far right or anti-system?

The annulment of elections has also underscored another worrying trend: the rise of far-right politics in Romania. “For sure, Romania is leaning toward more radicalized forms of politics. … The nationalist right has been politically very active since the 2020 parliamentary elections,” says Iancu.

Damian concurs but offers a nuanced perspective: “Romania is not leaning towards far-right, but the anti-system vote in the Parliament that now stands at 32 percent and that includes far-right parties is worrying for a country that has always embraced pro-EU values.”

Analysts point to underlying causes such as economic grievances, dissatisfaction with traditional parties, and rising costs of living. These issues have created fertile ground for figures like Georgescu, who skillfully exploit public discontent with conspiratorial and nationalist rhetoric.

Gomoi points out that the annulment has left many Romanians disillusioned with their democratic institutions.

“People are tired of the same political games,” she emphasises. “They want change. Even if Georgescu isn’t the perfect candidate, his popularity has sent a clear message to the establishment: listen to the people or face the consequences.”

Road ahead: Will Georgescu run again?

Romania’s political future now hinges on the formation of a new government and the scheduling of fresh presidential elections, likely in March 2025.

Informal talks are underway among pro-European parties to form a coalition government, but challenges abound.

“Even if parliamentary parties reach an agreement, turbulent times are ahead due to the new coalition’s high parliamentary fragmentation and ideological eclecticism,” warns Iancu.

“The entire election process will need to restart, which could take months,” Gomoi notes, hinting at potential efforts to exclude Georgescu from the upcoming process.

“We’ll likely see new candidates, and Georgescu may not be allowed to run. They’ll find something against him, just as they did with another candidate, Diana Iovanovici-Sosoaca, who was earlier barred from the presidential race (over alleged pro-Russian views),” she explains.

Gomoi warned, however, that disqualifying Georgescu could backfire on the political establishment.

“Blocking Georgescu from running again will only deepen public frustration. This isn’t just about him—it’s about the larger issues he represents. People want their voices heard, and they won’t stop demanding change.”

Georgescu’s popularity reflects deeper frustrations with Romania’s trajectory within the EU and NATO frameworks. While Romanians appreciate the opportunities offered by EU membership, there is growing discontent over perceived inequalities.

For instance, Gomoi pointed out disparities in state support, such as higher financial aid for Ukrainian refugees compared to Romanian citizens.

“We have a lot of old people that are struggling. They have no food on their tables even as the Christmas and the New Year approaches. We do have people who can not afford their medicine,” she says.

“Our country must take care of its own people first.”